JOB VACANCY FOR LEADER

QUALIFICATION: STATESMANSHIP

The blasts at Modi’s rally in Patna have once again given an indication of the things that are in store for the country as it inches towards the 2014 General Elections. The elections involving a few key State Assembles to be held this year, are being touted as the semi-finals in the run up to the big one which will decide whether Narendra Modi rides into 7 Racecourse Road as its occupant for the next five years in 2014, or does this dream remain unrealised. It seems that the blasts are just the beginning of a series of unsavoury happenings which will crop up every now and again as the political players dig deeper and deeper to find new lows in our political discourse.

Nitish Kumar, Bihar CM, has said, “Different political parties had been opposing each other on the basis of policies and ideologies, but there was no history of confrontation at such a level. Today's blasts indicate a conspiracy”. He goes on to add, “We should remain united at this hour and work together to suppress the elements bent on vitiating the atmosphere in Bihar."

It may be mentioned that as soon as the blasts at Modi’s Hunkar Rally in Patna occurred, we heard reactions from both BJP and Nitish Kumar’s party JD(U). Nitish Kumar was responding to the BJP allegations of “lax security” and “criminal negligence”. Former deputy of the Bihar CM, BJP leader Sushil Kumar Modi said, “Despite our repeated warnings to the administration, the government did not take required measures”.

In all these verbal slugfests what is being forgotten is that this sordid episode has left half a dozen men dead and many more injured. The reaction to this immense tragedy is not human from the political parties, it is political. Even when one’s worst enemy meets a bloody end caused by as violent an event as a bomb blast, the first reactions are always ones of sympathy. It is astonishing that the political parties seem to be looking at only the vote-dividend in it. What is even more disturbing is the disposition which displays a refusal to learn lessons from this sad happening.

The patently inept Bihar Police has once again lived up to its infamous reputation. It completely failed to search the rally venue and render it sanitised. This is what happens all the time not just in Bihar, but in other parts of India as well. We can never be sure about safety at public places, places of worship, transport stations and large congregations. This happens more due to inadequate manpower and out-dated equipment than due to lack of proper training. There is a lot of experience that police forces all over the country have in making arrangements at venues where popular leaders have to make public appearances. The uniformed policemen in any such public gathering are successful only if there is adequate intelligence back-up. Indian Mujahidin (IM), who are now being suspected to be behind these blasts, were also responsible for the Bodh Gaya blasts a few months ago. Yasin Bhatkal had, in his statements, mentioned that about 60 youngsters have been recruited from Bihar to participate in different terrorist attacks in the country. It has also come to light that the activities of IM are aimed at creating a climate of distrust between Hindus and Muslims. The idea is not to cause major explosions, but just to keep the trepidation alive so that the two communities do not feel comfortable with each other. It is evident in the Patna incident that the intention was not to target Modi ar a very large number of people.

There are two areas of failure by Bihar Police in the episode at Patna:

1.      Failure to gather intelligence about the conspiracy to cause serial blasts, especially in the light of what had happened at Bodh Gaya recently and the facts as were learned from the statements by Yasin Bhatkal.

2.      There was an inadequate screening of those who came to the public meeting. Granted that all those who come to a huge rally like the Hunkar Rally cannot be frisked, and the metal detectors are known to be ineffective at venues like the one in Patna, there is no explanation for having totally missed out on half a dozen locations where the bombs had been planted.

Another question that must be settled after all the sad experiences that nation has had: should leaders be allowed to disregard warnings from intelligence agencies. We have lost a serving Prime Minister, one ex-PM and, above all, the Father of the Nation even when they were warned about imminent danger to their lives.

Unfortunately, the blasts in Patna have led to a disturbing discourse, in which anti-Modi activists are charging him with staging the explosions himself, and BJP supporters are claiming that the terror attacks were a plot engineered by political opponents. This indicates a very perilous trend in Indian political life. The nation needs statesmen who can rise above party-politics and the greed for vote banks. It will suit outfits like IM, LeT and Pakistan’s ISI perfectly if activities like the one at Modi’s rally are allowed to sully the communal atmosphere in the country. Should such a trend be occurring, as it unfortunately appears to be happening, then all the major political parties must get together in meeting a challenge which will become only more critical as we move closer to the General Elections 2014.

*****

MANNA DEY

THE LAST OF THE GOLDEN ERA OF MELODY

“Strange how we connect events of our life with his songs!” This is what Amitabh Bachchan has tweeted while paying his tribute to the legendary Manna Dey, who passed away this morning. Indeed, if one looks at the songs which found their soul in the form of his great voice, one can only agree with what Amitabh Bachchan has said. Manna Da sang songs for all occasions, for all moods, and in more than a dozen languages. He lent his voice to the superstars of the day, most notably Raj Kapoor, rendered songs sung by grandpas as well: “Tujhe sooraj kahoon ya chanda....”, and he sang for the comedians too. He was the voice for Mehmood’s funny songs, including the rollicking “Ek chatur naar badi hoshiyaar...” and “Khaali dabba, khaali botal lele mere yaar...” And, when it came to sad songs, he excelled there too. “Poochho na kaise maine rain bitaayee....” is one from this genre. And, who can forget the romantic strains of evergreen numbers like “Aajaa sanam madhur chaandni mein ham....” or “Pyaar huaa iqraar hua hai pyaar se phir kyun darta hai dil”? However, the one song that no one can ever forget is that great number: “Ae meri zohrajabin.....” Hard to imagine how the silver and golden jubilees of Indian couples will be complete without this incomparable song!

 Rafi, Kishore, Mukesh, Hemant Kumar, Talat Mehmood, and now Manna Da, have all gone! There is a sense of disbelief when you look at these immortal names and realise that their body of work was delivered largely in overlapping creative periods, thorough the 50’s and 60’s in particular. It goes to Manna Da’s credit that he continued to get songs to sing even after singers were identified with actors in those years: Rafi for Dilip Kumar and Dev Anand, Mukesh for Raj Kapoor and, later, Kishore for almost every one. It was thanks to his flair for rendering fun songs that he became the playback voice for Mehmood who, even though he was a comedian, enjoyed a big star status. And when it came to singing songs based on classical ragas, there was no one to compare with the shastriya sangeet master, Manna Dey.  In classical virtuosity he was way ahead of the field. His Ahir Bhirav rendition of S.D. Burman's Poochcho na kaise maine rain bitaee is arguably unmatched by any professional playback singer in Hindi films. Yet, there is always a feeling that for this outstanding singer, who enjoyed confidence of the top music directors of his time, there never was an easy access to the number one choice for songs to be picturised on the leading actor of the film. Shankar-Jaikishan used his voice for Raj Kapoor, and he gave such memorable songs as “Yeh raat bheegi bheegi...”, “Pyar hua iqraar hua...”, and, later, “Ae bhai zara dekh ke chalo...” Yet, when it comes to identifying one singer with the great showman, it will invariably be Mukesh. For Manna (Probodh Chandra) Dey - that's the story of his life. Respected in the music fraternity for his classical training, he was always called upon to sing the tougher songs. Some of the finest classical songs that have been made immortal by Manna Dey include “Jhanak jhanak teri baaje payaliya...”, “Aayo kahaan se ghanshyam....”, “Laga chunri mein daag...”, “Ritu aaye ritu jaaye...”; the list is very long indeed.  Many, like Asha Bhonsle, believe "his versatility is unparalleled", yet the top slot never came his way. He had once said wistfully: "First I was called a bhajan singer, then a comedy singer, finally a classical singer, but somehow all the simple catchy, hum-along songs eluded me."

It goes to the credit of Manna Da that he always spoke very highly of Mohammad Rafi, who was younger than him in years, but ages ahead in his popularity among cine-goers and a clear preference among the music directors and actors alike. Manna Dey acknowledged, “Rafi was a genius and the greatest playback singer ever, male or female.” Rafi, on his part, admired the great abilities of Manna Da. Rafi had once told magazine reporters: "You say you love to listen to my songs. But I listen to Manna Dey's songs."

Manna Da had affection for Kishore Kumar and always acknowledged the latter’s unique talent for stealing the limelight when singing duets or in groups. He sang the great “Chatur naar” number so memorably with Kishore Kumar. The story goes that Manna Da was not too comfortable to be singing with Kishore. He had said to some one:"I was especially cautious when asked to sing for Mehmood in Ek chatur naar with Kishore Kumar. The latter had a unique and unaffected style of singing which tended to eclipse the subtleties of classical music, and place his singing partner, in a duet, at a disadvantage. To be put in the shade by Kishore's flamboyant style of singing was a distinct possibility and, to counter the risk, I decided to work with Pancham ( R D Burman, the music director), striving to build on my strengths and find a way of holding my own." Obviously, as the result shows, Manna and Kishore were the ideal foil to each other. In the film Padosan, while Mehmood was playing a trained classical singer, Kishore was shown to be a street-smart performer who was up to his antics to out-do Mehmood to win the favours of the film’s heroine for his friend, played by Sunil Datt. Manna Da described the recording of this iconic song thus:"On the day we were to record Ek chatur naar, the entire staff at the studio stood outside the glass-door to watch Kishore and me sing. For the two of us, the session had taken on the magnitude of a duel. It took us 12 hours - the recording started at 9 am and ended at 9 pm - to complete it, and I must admit, Kishore was in his element that day. Out of this tough battle to outshine one another, would emerge a new star in the world of music."

*****

I was in conversation with a few friends and trying to list the greatest songs to which Manna Dey gave his inimitable voice, we had varying opinions. This is not surprising at all in the context of a performer whose body of work is so vast, and so varied in its genres. However, some of the songs which were mentioned repeatedly are: Poochho na kaise maine rain bitaayee, Laga Chunri mein daag, Ek chatur naar, Yeh raat bheegi bheegi, Dil ka haal sune dil wala, Aye mere pyaare watan, Ae bhai zara dekh ke chalo, Kaun aayaa mere man ke dware,and, of course, Ae meri zohra jabin.

In the passing away of Manna Da, we have to ask again and again Zindagi kaisi hai paheli hai, Kabhi toh hasaaye, kabhi yeh rulaaye....... ek din sapanon kaa raahii
chalaa jaae sapanon ke aage kahaaN.

STRANGE BEDFELLOWS 

THE ELEPHANT AND THE DRAGON

“I remember many a time when our senior generals came to us, and wrote to the defence ministry saying that they wanted certain things... If we had had foresight, known exactly what would happen, we would have done something else... what India has learnt from the Chinese invasion is that in the world of today there is no place for weak nations... We have been living in an unreal world of our own creation." 

This is what India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru candidly admitted after the Chinese army had mauled the Indian forces 51 years ago. The Chinese had marched into India and the resistance offered to the advancing troops by the Indian troops was seriously hampered by lack of manpower (estimated one soldier for every six of China), arms and equipment. It was widely felt that India’s perception of China’s attitude towards India was in keeping with the Panchsheel philosophy, and that ‘Hindi-Chini bhai bhai’ was a fact of life. It was a comprehensive defeat for our forces, and a humiliation that the nation has not forgotten.

The issues that plagued Sino-India bilateral relations had a lot to do with the McMahon Line. The Chinese, who were never ruled by the British, have shown no inclination to accept an international border drawn by an official appointed by the British Crown. Their claim over Tibet is another factor which keeps the issues between the two giant neighbours simmering. To China’s credit, even after the comprehensive domination they enjoyed in terms of their military strength they have not mounted any major attack on Indian territory after 1962. Even then, they had withdrawn unilaterally, and vacated even those positions they were successful in wresting from India. Their claim over some territories currently under Indian control; and their continued objections to India’s Tibet policy notwithstanding, the Chinese are interested in enhancing the already healthy trade relations that exist between the two Asian superpowers.

In June last year, China expressed its vision that "Sino-Indian ties" could be the most "important bilateral partnership of the century." That month Wen Jiabao, the Chinese Premier and Manmohan Singh, India’s PM, looked at the possibility of increasing bilateral trade between the two countries to US$100 billion by 2015. The Chinese  share the perception that the potential trade relationship between the world’s two most populous countries cannot be overstated. The two countries have traditions of socio-cultural exchanges. Trade is also a historical legacy, and today the trade relations have a very good platform ready for a major launch. The two sides have had frequent interactions at the highest levels. Parleys between the two Prime Ministers on the side of international forums, as well as bilateral summits, have taken place in recent years.

There are a number of issues on which India and China have been cooperating. It must be stressed that there is a strategic reason behind this collaboration: for a long time, the two countries have been sceptical about American supremacy; and saw a possibility that second tier countries like themselves could work together to balance American power.

Recently, these countries have coordinated their stands on a number of global issues. Most salient of which are, the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen and the Doha trade negotiations, where one led and the other followed and, as a result, the negotiations collapsed. Western countries have not fought shy of blaming India and China for the collapse of these negotiations. It is thus manifest that these countries can coordinate on global issues, and both see a larger reality that the West-dominated global economic order needs to be challenged by emerging powers, especially India and China. The realisation that with these two economic powers joining hands on major international issues like climate and trade practices, the rest of the world will have no choice but to tailor their policies so as to suit what the dragon and the elephant desire.

The financial crisis the world is passing through has prompted demand for the restructuring of global economic institutions. No wonder, therefore, that China and India have both influenced the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to gain a greater role for them, and assert their position in these institutions in realistic terms, keeping their geopolitical position in mind. The two countries are also “sovereignty hawks” and have opposed hegemony-driven military interventions led by the Western powers. One can see that even the USA is in no position to recklessly meddle in international affairs, and intervene in other countries’ affairs as it was doing not too far back. The retreat from an imminent intervention in Syria is a case in point.

It is known that both India and China have understood that energy security is an area which can only be ignored at great peril to the future of the economic prosperity of these countries. A few years ago, there was speculation that China and India might cooperate on energy security, taking into consideration their common interests. That relationship did not materialize, and instead they are competing for greater dominance against each other in controlling oil fields across the globe. New fields for oil exploration are increasingly witnessing the presence of these two bidders. There is an enhanced realisation that dependence on import for energy resources is what determines the economic position, and since it is such a crucial factor in their balance of trade situation, both countries want to secure their energy supplies on advantageous terms. As a result of this, the early potential for cooperation in the energy sector seems to have all but burned out.

As a matter of fact there are, apart from territorial issues, other areas of divergence too among India and China. The latter’s various actions in recent years seem to have convinced Indian observers and analysts that China does not take Indian security concerns very seriously and does not possibly recognize India as a major global player either. It is now being recognised by Indian policy-makers and strategists that there are significant reasons for a lack of trust in her giant neighbour. Such a belief has developed owing to various actions of the dragon, and the elephant is, therefore, not immune to the possibility of a deathly bite from the slithering neighbour. In 1998 the then Indian Defence Minister’s statement that China is India’s number one enemy created a major backlash, and many Indian commentators immediately contested the minister’s assertion. However, today, there may be more reasons to look at China as a neighbour which may not be entirely dormant on the military front.

The architecture of Indian foreign policy as it has developed since then has been a reaction to China’s growing presence in world affairs. China has a huge population which has experienced the gains of capitalist economy recently. There is realisation that her position in world affairs, both economic and strategic, is such that it can dominate the stage. Hence there is an acceptance of the reality that significant divergence of interests exists between the two great nations vying for greater economic prosperity. There certainly is some convergence on environmental and economic issues, yet the relationship remains fraught with tension. That does not mean that India should take on China militarily, but it does mean that New Delhi should respond more proactively to what China seems to be doing in regard to India and the surrounding region. Based merely on commonality of India’s approach to the western countries in trading and environment, the military positioning cannot be taken for granted. China can always make its much superior military power to come to bear on other bilateral issues as well. It is evident that this realization influences Indian policy-making today. This is a very crucial aspect in India’s foreign policy and will determine most of the initiatives that India will take with respect to China.

India and China are not allies in geopolitical issues. Each will of course be driven by individual national interests. China will tailor its responses with an eye on the fact that India is poised to take long strides in the next decade, and is likely to sit next to it in size of its economy. China is aware of the positive role that a country of India’s soft power status is bound to play in the next couple of decades. In pure trading terms as well, the enormous potential of bilateral trade as well as cooperation in the international sphere are going to influence China’s relationship with India.

The military dimension of the Indo- Chinese relationship is such that China enjoys a considerable edge in its striking strength. It has to be acknowledged that China already controls much of the disputed territory along the international border. Significantly, the territory in the western sector, Aksai Chin, which is strategically key for China’s aspirations for dominance in the power equation in the region is under China’s control. It can be said that a continuation of status quo does not hurt China, and it can sit pretty notwithstanding certain unresolved issues of other territories. It has to be accepted that China occupies the high ground facilitating its forces’ easier movement across the Tibetan plateau. India, on the other hand, has to move uphill in the inhospitable rugged terrain of the Himalayas. China has reportedly developed fine roads on the border, giving it great advantage when it comes to actual troop movement.

In order to improve its foothold in the strategically crucial India Ocean, China has been making emphatic and deliberate efforts to woo Sri Lanka. It is no secret that Pakistan and China could be potential allies while dealing with India, and that Myanmar is already close to China. It has to be acknowledged that apart from purely strategic equations, China also seeks access to the Indian Ocean by strengthening its commercial and political relationships with the three littoral states, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Myanmar. India needs to enhance its naval capabilities. This is one aspect of military preparedness where India can build upon an existing advantage. On land, India is still woefully inadequate, and China has made huge strides to wrest major advantage. While India arms itself for the worst-possible scenario, there is need to diplomatically keep China assured that the build up is not bilateral, but in response to the need to respond to its own security perimeter on a larger canvas.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s trip to Beijing has come at a challenging time. There is the prospect of a new border settlement being inked. It is very important in the context of the issue of stapled visas being issued to Indians who belong to Arunanchal Pradesh. This keeps the pot simmering, and the Indian delegation just cannot overlook such provocation when working on the nitty-gritty of the border settlement. There is no doubt that both China and India have great stakes on the world stage, and there is also the undeniable effort on both sides to assert themselves as major regional powers in South and South-East Asia. Apart from the strategic significance of this summit between the two most populous countries’ leaders, there is great expectation that trade relations between India and China will also turn a new leaf. This is important because right now the bilateral balance of trade between the two countries is heavily tilted in favour of China.

India, the elephant and China, the dragon, may appear to be strange in each other’s company if the two wish to forge a partnership. One is way ahead of the other in its international standing, both in terms of its military and economy, yet there is no doubt that it can ignore the other only at the risk of being blind to the potential of the other. While one is an established hard power, the other is a major soft power. China’s strategy over the last several decades has been to keep India wondering about the real intentions of its military. International recognition of India’s undoubted soft-power status is also not very well received by China. Should India become assured that China is to be treated as a strategic partner, and there is no fear of China’s expansionistic aspirations for it, then India will have to deal with only one irritant, the other neighbour, Pakistan. This will allow India to concentrate more on development and economic growth. This is something that China is not comfortable with. The summit meeting can make significant contribution to easing this attitude.

**********

ZINDAGI KAISI HAI PAHELI

“Strange how we connect events of our life with his songs!” This is what Amitabh Bachchan has tweeted while paying his tribute to the legendary Manna Dey, who passed away this morning. Indeed, if one looks at the songs which found their soul in the form of his great voice, one can only agree with what Amitabh Bachchan has said. Manna Da sang songs for all occasions, for all moods, and in more than a dozen languages. He lent his voice to the superstars of the day, most notably Raj Kapoor, rendered songs sung by grandpas as well: “Tujhe sooraj kahoon ya chanda....”, and he sang for the comedians too. He was the voice for Mehmood’s funny songs, including the rollicking “Ek chatur naar badi hoshiyaar...” and “Khaali dabba, khaali botal lele mere yaar...” And, when it came to sad songs, he excelled there too. “Poochho na kaise maine rain bitaayee....” is one from this genre. And, who can forget the romantic strains of evergreen numbers like “Aajaa sanam madhur chaandni mein ham....” or “Pyaar huaa iqraar hua hai pyaar se phir kyun darta hai dil”? However, the one song that no one can ever forget is that great number: “Ae meri zohrajabin.....” Hard to imagine how the silver and golden jubilees of Indian couples will be complete without this incomparable song!

 Rafi, Kishore, Mukesh, Hemant Kumar, Talat Mehmood, and now Manna Da, have all gone! There is a sense of disbelief when you look at these immortal names and realise that their body of work was delivered largely in overlapping creative periods, thorough the 50’s and 60’s in particular. It goes to Manna Da’s credit that he continued to get songs to sing even after singers were identified with actors in those years: Rafi for Dilip Kumar and Dev Anand, Mukesh for Raj Kapoor and, later, Kishore for almost every one. It was thanks to his flair for rendering fun songs that he became the playback voice for Mehmood who, even though he was a comedian, enjoyed a big star status. And when it came to singing songs based on classical ragas, there was no one to compare with the shastriya sangeet master, Manna Dey.  In classical virtuosity he was way ahead of the field. His Ahir Bhirav rendition of S.D. Burman's Poochcho na kaise maine rain bitaee is arguably unmatched by any professional playback singer in Hindi films. Yet, there is always a feeling that for this outstanding singer, who enjoyed confidence of the top music directors of his time, there never was an easy access to the number one choice for songs to be picturised on the leading actor of the film. Shankar-Jaikishan used his voice for Raj Kapoor, and he gave such memorable songs as “Yeh raat bheegi bheegi...”, “Pyar hua iqraar hua...”, and, later, “Ae bhai zara dekh ke chalo...” Yet, when it comes to identifying one singer with the great showman, it will invariably be Mukesh. For Manna (Probodh Chandra) Dey - that's the story of his life. Respected in the music fraternity for his classical training, he was always called upon to sing the tougher songs. Some of the finest classical songs that have been made immortal by Manna Dey include “Jhanak jhanak teri baaje payaliya...”, “Aayo kahaan se ghanshyam....”, “Laga chunri mein daag...”, “Ritu aaye ritu jaaye...”; the list is very long indeed.  Many, like Asha Bhonsle, believe "his versatility is unparalleled", yet the top slot never came his way. He had once said wistfully: "First I was called a bhajan singer, then a comedy singer, finally a classical singer, but somehow all the simple catchy, hum-along songs eluded me."

It goes to the credit of Manna Da that he always spoke very highly of Mohammad Rafi, who was younger than him in years, but ages ahead in his popularity among cine-goers and a clear preference among the music directors and actors alike. Manna Dey acknowledged, “Rafi was a genius and the greatest playback singer ever, male or female.” Rafi, on his part, admired the great abilities of Manna Da. Rafi had once told magazine reporters: "You say you love to listen to my songs. But I listen to Manna Dey's songs."

Manna Da had affection for Kishore Kumar and always acknowledged the latter’s unique talent for stealing the limelight when singing duets or in groups. He sang the great “Chatur naar” number so memorably with Kishore Kumar. The story goes that Manna Da was not too comfortable to be singing with Kishore. He had said to some one:"I was especially cautious when asked to sing for Mehmood in Ek chatur naar with Kishore Kumar. The latter had a unique and unaffected style of singing which tended to eclipse the subtleties of classical music, and place his singing partner, in a duet, at a disadvantage. To be put in the shade by Kishore's flamboyant style of singing was a distinct possibility and, to counter the risk, I decided to work with Pancham ( R D Burman, the music director), striving to build on my strengths and find a way of holding my own." Obviously, as the result shows, Manna and Kishore were the ideal foil to each other. In the film Padosan, while Mehmood was playing a trained classical singer, Kishore was shown to be a street-smart performer who was up to his antics to out-do Mehmood to win the favours of the film’s heroine for his friend, played by Sunil Datt. Manna Da described the recording of this iconic song thus:"On the day we were to record Ek chatur naar, the entire staff at the studio stood outside the glass-door to watch Kishore and me sing. For the two of us, the session had taken on the magnitude of a duel. It took us 12 hours - the recording started at 9 am and ended at 9 pm - to complete it, and I must admit, Kishore was in his element that day. Out of this tough battle to outshine one another, would emerge a new star in the world of music."

*****

I was in conversation with a few friends and trying to list the greatest songs to which Manna Dey gave his inimitable voice, we had varying opinions. This is not surprising at all in the context of a performer whose body of work is so vast, and so varied in its genres. However, some of the songs which were mentioned repeatedly are: Poochho na kaise maine rain bitaayee, Laga Chunri mein daag, Ek chatur naar, Yeh raat bheegi bheegi, Dil ka haal sune dil wala, Aye mere pyaare watan, Ae bhai zara dekh ke chalo, Kaun aayaa mere man ke dware,and, of course, Ae meri zohra jabin.

In the passing away of Manna Da, we have to ask again and again Zindagi kaisi hai paheli hai, Kabhi toh hasaaye, kabhi yeh rulaaye....... ek din sapanon kaa raahii
chalaa jaae sapanon ke aage kahaaN.

Idle Musings

IDLE MUSINGS

Aloke B Lal

In a recent column, MJ Akbar says: “The Congress is in disarray because it has lost direction.
UPA worked well as long as its leadership was an isosceles triangle. Mrs Gandhi was pre-eminent; Dr Singh and Pranab Mukherjee were equal sides who kept government and party stable, with Mukherjee given the vital charge of perception management. When Dr Singh began to wilt, Mukherjee should have replaced him. Instead, he went into comfort zone, and the Congress into a spin. We now have a hapless Mrs Gandhi, an indifferent Prime Minister and Rahul Gandhi rushing in and out, when he feels like, through blank space on the third side.”

To this, the quip from one of the readers is very apt: “More than my annoyance at that isosceles triangle degenerating into a faint scribble, is my fear of another geometry—the bold straight line of NaMo’s bigotry”.

My take on the use of isosceles triangle as a figurative description of the balance of power in the oldest political party of the land is that it was a bad situation if it was indeed a triangle. I feel that any democratic party is best served when the few at the top echelon form an amorphous entity. For, it is a good thing that the leadership appears to be one in which all the participants have a say, a say which is not defined by a shape, but by the openness of the conditions which allows questions to be raised and issues debated. In an isosceles triangle two sides are equal, the third only has the freedom to have its own dimension. In other words, only one of the three wise ones is allowed to have a different viewpoint, and two have always to be like each other. So, if Sonia G was pre-eminent, then MMS and Pranab had no choice but to be similar in their response, which in the scheme of things could only translate to a duet: “Yes, ma’am.” The loss of one side, in this case Pranab, should not really spell a major departure in such a scenario.

***************

It seems science is in the air. Rahul G has also come up with his as yet mysterious escape velocity statement: “In India, we have a concept of caste. There is an escape velocity involved here also. If one belongs to a backward caste and wants to attain success then one needs an escape velocity to attain that success. Dalits in this country need the escape velocity of Jupiter to attain success”. Is he trying to impress the spell-bound audience with his knowledge that escape velocity is not the same on all the planets? Or, was it some speech writer who considered this to be a bright idea to present Rahul G in the image of a science-savvy modern-day politician? What one can clearly see in this befuddled statement is one thing: the Congress Vice President believes that in order to reform the society riven by caste rivalries, the answer for the underdogs is to escape to a safer side. Does this mean that Rahul G believes that the answer to amelioration of the dalits and other backward classes is that they should learn to escape? We have not been told, however, where are we to escape, and from whom do we escape? And what do you have to do to escape all these sagacious suggestions coming from an enlightened soul?

 To explain the original meaning of escape velocity is easy: It is the speed needed to "break free" from the gravitational attraction of a massive body, without further propulsion. In other words, you do not actually escape, you just know what is the level you must attain to be there. So, in the imagination of the leader of the Pappulog of the country, all you need is to have a calculator; and, there you are, punch a few buttons to break free. No hassles at all. See, it’s all so simple!  Yippee, 2014, here we come!!!

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The leader rising from the west (as opposed to the early riser from the east) has of course got the knowledge that even before you think of the Maker, you actually want to be without any extra baggage. One that all of us carry is the result of what we have eaten the previous twenty four hours. So every morning, as we step out of the comforts of our beds, we have the thought uppermost in our system to be rid of what is at the bottom....literally! So this leader has no qualms in declaring that facilities to attend to the immediate business is indeed the priority, and communion with the Maker is something that has to wait for its turn.  This is absolutely right. Not even a Jairam Ramesh is likely to have any disagreement with this statement of someone who is being routinely dubbed as a fascist, a reactionary zealot and a communal vermin who must be put down at all costs. This universally accepted statement, coming as it does from the poster-boy of what is often called the Bhagwa brigade, has actually left the adherents of one of the major movements in India red-faced: those who are waging a war to construct a mandir and want to make that as their life’s offering for the grateful people of the country. It is unimportant whether these wide-eyed people have had the opportunity to see the disappearance of that extra baggage they are forced to extricate in a most uncivilised manner?

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Tailpiece: It has been reliably learnt that speech writers of the leaders of the country are all scurrying for the nearest book shop, to get books on basics of science. Folks, I am told, ‘boson’, ‘relativity theory’, ‘plate tectonics’, ‘circuit theory’, ‘cyber architecture’ have already been taken. Look for other metaphors, if you too are writing a speech.

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MAGIC OF DEMOCRACY IN A PLURALIST SOCIETY

Muscle or Gandhigiri?

--- Aloke B Lal

“India is a pluralist society that creates magic with democracy, rule of law and individual freedom, community relations and [cultural] diversity. What a place to be an intellectual! ........I wouldn’t mind being born ten times to rediscover India,” is what Robert Blackwell, departing US Ambassador, said in 2003.

The question of a democratic polity’s survival hinges on some fundamental requirements, the essence of which is a unity of purpose to carry on the business of being one country, identified as a collection of citizens who have their personal outlook, who may even have diverse personal and political agendas, yet swear by the unity of the ethos of being one. There is, in such a setting, respect for varying viewpoints. The multiplicity of cultures is a cause for pride and there is conscious effort that these cultures enjoy the freedom necessary for them to not just survive, but prosper and enrich. The colourful palette that India offers to an observer is so interesting and rich only because all the colours together make one story. To imagine that this kaleidoscopic extravaganza will be shattered so that one colour dominates to the exclusion of others is a nightmare which curiously appeals to some who have a vision of a country which carries on an agenda which promotes purging the society of those elements who differ from vested preferences.  The ‘magic of democracy’, as Blackwell puts it, will be a seriously compromised one if the plurality of the society is diluted and different communities exist not as a happy family but in well defined, never-to-integrate and intermix fragments. There will be a death blow to centuries of our cultural variety should the government of the day intervene to negate such a beautiful and fulsome togetherness only to pander to the bigoted tunnel vision of some. It may be recalled that for those who fathered the Indian Constitution it was a conscious, courageous and moral decision to maintain the essential idea of India by opting for a secular democracy and an inclusive, pluralistic society. It was seen by these tall leaders that the growth of the nation needed not just fertility of soil, but also a rich biodiversity that leads to its all-round prosperity and healthy blossoming. It may be added that no country in the South Asian region can hope to remain peaceful if it does not pursue a pluralistic goal. In fact, it has to be understood that it is here that the beauty of the idea of India lies! 

Gandhi said: “I suppose leadership at one time meant muscles; but today it means getting along with people”. However, there is a visible streak in some thinkers which seems to have the view that muscles can still deliver. In the recent times, in particular, in many of my conversations with very well informed and mature friends, I have noticed with great dismay a tacit approval for violent methods to deal with some issues of communal disharmony. There is a viewpoint that the ‘aggressive’ minority (read Muslims) of the country can only be tamed by promoting outfits which can take on these misguided individuals and make them fall in line. There is a perception amongst the believers of this viewpoint that the repeated misdemeanours of the ‘aggressive’ minorities cannot be controlled by the government, and there is, therefore, a need to have Hindu outfits which should respond to these acts of the misdemeanour aimed at undermining the ‘legitimate’ expectation of the majority that the minorities will behave the way Hindus consider to be right. The idea of the nation, the parameters of patriotism and nationalism and generally all rules of conduct, will be dictated by the majority community, and the feeble voices of minorities and the disadvantaged will be left unheard and unheeded.

One may ask: what will be the government’s position in such a scenario? Will it be a mere spectator to the fight for supremacy amongst the various communities? Will it keep a record of who has scored more goals over the other? Will it be there like a referee (a very biased one at that) to point out the infringements of various democratic practices and laws respected the world over? Will such a government work to maintain the beautiful tapestry of our vibrant culture or will it disintegrate it to separate all the colours and create separate fabrics each with its unique weave?

“In a gentle way, you can shake the world” is what the Father of the Nation once said. Gandhi’s methods have stood the test of time and space. They have delivered desired results not merely in India, but in different continents. It is hardly surprising that the Mahatma has inspired many generations of those who have waged struggles in their own countries for justice, equality and liberty. If, in his country, there are leaders who are promoting even violence to meet their vested interests, what will be the shape of things to come? When a communal riot is analysed threadbare to calculate its implications on the vote banks of the different political parties, one shudders to think of the greed for electoral mileage that a communal riot can create for the political player! Ethics would often determine the actions of such players in sane times, but the way electoral politics is being conducted today, I wonder if the political parties will stop at anything. Then Blackwell’s exultation will turn into dismay. He will be forced to re-assess the Indian scenario all over again. Maybe, this time he will have to say: “India is a closed society that creates havoc with democracy, has no rule of law and individual freedom is a concept which is not in evidence anywhere. The strong community relations and enviable cultural diversity have been replaced by a uni-polar, linear and drab order where only the majority community has all the say”. Sorry, Blackwell, to have destroyed your sentence. But, don’t you see, there are people out to destroy my entire country, its colourful diversity and ethos? Maybe, then, only one birth will be enough to know the whole of India.

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(The author is a former Director-General of Police)

EQUALITY AND JUSTICE CALL FOR SENSE OF SERVICE

          I was born four years after the Father of the Nation fell to an assassin’s bullets. With my growth I saw in my family, society, school and work-places the deified status that he enjoyed for decades afterwards. The rituals associated with Gandhi Jayanti were religiously observed all around. Even after more than six decades of Gandhi’s martyrdom, I am still astonished to find how blatantly we continue to do with our nation the things that he would have disapproved of. Gandhi was the one who told us about simplicity being a life style to be enjoyed and not suffered. He also reminded us what our ancient texts had passed on to us as time-tested wisdom: that of ‘anaskti yoga’, or the Gospel of Selfless Action. In an essay about the teachings of The Gita Gandhiji says: “The author (of Gita) makes Krishna say: ‘Do not entrust this treasure to him who is without sacrifice, without devotion, without the desire for this teaching and who denies Me. On the other hand, those who will give this precious treasure to My devotees will, by the fact of this service, assuredly reach Me. And those who, being free from malice, will with faith absorb this teaching, shall, having attained freedom, live where people of true merit go after death.” Gandhiji is possibly alluding to the treasure of knowledge here. Attainment of Him is most certainly through a path of knowledge. So any society which seeks to bring about equality must address the need for the spread of knowledge. Education must be made available to the most deprived sections as well.

          India’s emergence as an independent nation after centuries of foreign rule was the beginning of a historical trend. Many other countries drew from India’s example to similarly rid themselves of foreign rule, and started to establish their own identities as nation states. One of the major challenges before all these countries was to establish their economies in a manner which aimed at substantial, if not complete, freedom to choose their own policies. Post World War it was a given that a country was with either with the US model of capitalistic economy, or was inclined towards the left to follow the pattern established in the Soviet Union. There was little or no scope to choose a third option, mainly because the newly independent countries were dealing with extreme poverty and little by way of capital investments in ventures that would address both a micro and a macro level of development.

          The onus of developing an Indian model based on geopolitical and economic realities of India fell on the first government of free India, led by Jawaharlal Nehru. On the one hand the nation was dealing with the prevailing internal political situation which demanded the unification of princely states into the Indian union and, on the other, with the question of establishing an external policy for dealing with other countries. The latter had a direct bearing on how the uphill task of economic development of the nation will be addressed, there being the near compulsion of seeking foreign aid for requirements of capital, knowhow and making national security a reality in a country whose unification did not appear to be a foregone thing. Apart from the Princely States’ belief that they should enjoy their own freedom to rule the way they wished, and their lack of belief in viability of a federal government being astute enough to bring them all under one Constitution, we were witness to one of the bloodiest partition of the country on the basis of religion. The unnatural division of the geographical entity that was pre-Independence India into two different nations on the basis of pockets of Muslim population had in it the seeds of distrust and violence in the years to come. And, indeed, we have seen the worst results of this in the way the history of free India has unfolded.

          The coming of India’s Constitution had aimed at, among other things, the creation of equality. This was a laudable objective in a society which had many walls separating different sections. There was a huge hiatus between the rich and poor. Caste was a serious issue that had a very telling impact on the way the fruits of democracy were distributed. Education, among other things, was not accessible uniformly to all sections of the society. The divide between the haves and the have-nots was thus further aggravated. The denial of the best education to all the stakeholders in the social milieu of the country led to a situation where the most meritorious seekers of education were not necessarily provided entry into liberal and professional education where they could have excelled, and thus also erode the divisions based on class. The class which already enjoyed a status of economic and social dominance showed traits of self-protection. Selfishness and greed dominated their attitudes. Service of the society and the backward classes was far from their thoughts. It was therefore necessary to adopt a system of governance which aimed at softening these attitudes, and bring about a level playing field for all to have their share of the national pie. It was indeed a matter of great far-sightedness that the Constitution recognised these requirements and made a very serious effort to address them with honesty and commitment.

          The creation of pockets of wealth has, however, brought about rapid urbanisation of the country. The idea of creating self-reliant rural agglomerates which Gandhiji envisioned is now a thing of the past, even-though the Panchayati Raj concept has been rejuvenated after a Constitutional amendment and elections to local government bodies. The government is looking at growth figures in terms of GDP and the creation of massive urban facilities. The tragedy is that the so-called development is creating even greater inequalities and a more disturbing social scenario where the wealth of the rural areas is being gobbled up as the urban areas expand recklessly. The rural population looks at shopping malls, multiplexes, educational institutions housed in vulgar architectural monsters as the things to be desired. This is, unfortunately, the situation when we cut to 2013. Let us look at some disturbing realities: India is ranked 136th in human development index (HDI) among 186 countries according to the Human Development Report 2013 released by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This is a sad commentary on the composite measure of life expectancy, access to education and income levels in the country. What is worse, the report placed India at nearly the bottom of countries which have reached 'medium development'. India’s index stood at 0.554 for the last year, which exhibits that we have miles to go to meet countries like top-ranked Norway with an HDI of 0.955. It has to be agreed that there are critics of the concept of (HDI). It is, however, considered a better measure of a country's progress than mere income growth or GDP.

          On the positive side, India's HDI has risen by 1.7% annually since 1980. The UNDP Report lauds India's contribution by way of its spill-over development effect on other countries. For instance, it points out that Indian firms have been supplying affordable medicines, medical equipment and information and communication technology to other poorer countries.

          The 2013 report focuses on the "rise of the south", mapping the shift in global dynamics from the traditional power base in the west to newer emerging countries. The report estimates that by 2020, the combined economic output of the three leading developing countries, namely, India, Brazil and China, will surpass the aggregate production of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom and the United States.

          The idea of creating a level playing field is one which needs to be addressed with a sense of urgency. The ever increasing chasm in the income levels of the few rich and multitude poor is something that will bring movements which debase the very idea of democracy. Naxalism is one such movement. It is a revolution which rejects the development model which has been adopted by the government. While the methods of these Left Wing Extremists are absolutely unacceptable, there is need to understand the reasons that have led to the violent situation we are witnessing. As the industries and urban settlements extend their activities to rural areas, we are creating land areas that are exhausted and ravaged. We can notice signs of fatigue in the patterns of these ‘developmental’ activities. The relentless march of the suburbia and the blight of industry which is destroying existing rural life, have overstretched the available resources. There are industries which feed on the meagre resources available to the original inhabitants of villages and forest areas. The proposal to set up a soft drink plant of a giant multinational company in the rural areas of Dehradun district illustrates this. The area has groundwater deficiency, and this is the cause for a shortage of drinking water. Once the soft drink plant is set up, it will consume large quantities of water, thereby leading to further depletion of the water table. The agriculture will suffer so will the basic tenor of life in the region. It is such developments which further erodes the chances of establishing a level playing field for all to progress and prosper.

          We have seen how local methods of construction are being changed. We now have a situation where the available construction material in the Doon valley is not being used. The builders are creating clones of the monsters that dot our cities. They need to only follow what Gandhiji had told us many decades ago: “the ideal Indian house will be built from material gathered from within five miles of the building site”. Imagine how profitable it will be to consider this very practical option!

          Inequalities force us to build urban settlements in the most skewed manner possible. Those who work in, say, Connaught Place in New Delhi, have to seek a dwelling based upon their income. The largest number of workers will also be the lowest earning ones, while the top earners will only be a few. These millions will be forced to seek cheap properties for living which are far away from the magnificent business district which is a pride of India’s capital. So these multitudes will need means of transport to bring them from trans-Yamuna areas and far-away towns like Hapur and Ghaziabad. They will spend a lot of their time in travelling which could have otherwise been utilised for more productive purposes. They will also spend large amounts of their limited money on commuting daily from far-flung places. Add to that the wastage of fuel and other sources of energy employed for the transport facilities and you will have an even more horrifying assessment of the situation. There is a need to look at all these factors and not be counter-productive by expanding our cities all the time. The need is to minimise the ever-increasing pressure on our cities which is possible only if we address the civic needs of our villages.

          There is no justice if a bright girl is denied the best education only because of her geographical location or lack of financial resources. Availability of quality education at reasonable cost must be the prime concern for a society addressing the issue of equality. We cannot also ignore the sordid reality that our public health standards are so abysmal that they only compare with the most backward countries of the world. To add insult to this injury, we have five-star hospitals which are far away from the reach of the poor sick. Our children suffer from malnutrition which leads to inadequate development of body and mind.

          Social protection is a necessity for all, but it is a crying need especially for the migrant workers. This class of workers are the ones who have travelled far and wide in search of employment, and are very crucial in the scheme of things. Their contribution at the construction sites, especially the basic infrastructural buildings, cannot be over-emphasised. 

          There are programmes that the government has launched addressing most of the concerns mentioned here. What is necessary is that the money is utilised honestly. The projects are monitored for their physical and financial progress so that they are time-bound and costs do not go up due to delays. Most importantly, those who have been given this responsibility must work with devotion, sacrifice and a sense of service. For those who are otherwise inclined, we must have monitoring methods in place. The corrupt and the incapable must be shown their places.

          Gandhiji had said: “The means may be likened to a seed, the end to a tree; and there is just the same inviolable connection between the means and the end as there is between the seed and the tree”. In today’s India, the people want the tree, irrespective of the origin of the seed, and the natural, healthy biological growth of the organism. Therein lies the absence of equality and justice. Therein lies the cause of unquenchable greed.

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Aloke B Lal

(From a paper presented at a seminar on Equality and Justice)